Saturday, March 08, 2008

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Torn between 2 white liberal guilts
Mark Steyn

Well, we will have Hillary Clinton to kick around some more, at least for another few weeks. The Mummy (as my radio pal Hugh Hewitt calls her) kicked open the sarcophagus door and, despite the rotting bandages dating back to Iowa, began staggering around, terrorizing folks all over again.

"She is a monster," Barack Obama adviser Samantha Power told a reporter from The Scotsman – and not a monster in a cute Loch Ness blurry, long-distance kind of way. "You just look at her and think, 'Ergh,'" continued Ms. Power, who subsequently resigned from the campaign.

The New York Times took a different line. The monster is you – yes, you, the American people. Surveying the Hillary-Barack death match, Maureen Dowd wrote: "People will have to choose which of America's sins are greater, and which stain will have to be removed first. Is misogyny worse than racism, or is racism worse than misogyny?"

Do even Democrats really talk like this? Apparently so. As Ali Gallagher, a white female (sorry, this identity-politics labeling is contagious) from Texas, told the Washington Post: "A friend of mine, a black man, said to me, 'My ancestors came to this country in chains; I'm voting for Barack.' I told him, 'Well, my sisters came here in chains and on their periods; I'm voting for Hillary.'"

When everybody's a victim, nobody's a victim. Poor Ms. Gallagher can't appreciate the distinction between purely metaphorical chains and real ones, or even how offensive it might be to assume blithely that there's no difference whatsoever.

On the other hand, Barack's ancestors didn't come here in chains, either: His mother was a white Kansan, so was presumably undergoing menstrual hell with the Gallagher gals, and his dad was a black man a long way away in colonial Kenya. Indeed, Obama would be the first son of a British subject to serve as president since those slaveholding types elected in the early days of the republic. As some aggrieved black activist sniffed snootily on TV, Barack isn't really an "African American" – unless by "African American," you mean somebody whose parentage is half-American and half-African, and let's face it, no one would come up with so cockamamie a definition as that.

As for victims, you have to feel sorry for John Edwards. He was born in a mill. He weighed 1.6 pounds and what did his dad get? Another day older and deeper in debt. John spent most of the 19th century as a spindly 7-year-old sweep with rickets, cleaning chimneys in Dickensian London until Fagin spotted him and trained him up as a trial lawyer. And it worked swell in the 2004 primary but it counted for nothing this time round because, even with all that soot on his face, he's still a white boy.

Bill Richardson was the first Hispanic candidate but nobody needs a Hispanic called "Bill Richardson." Hillary assumed she'd be the last identity-politician standing in a field of bouffant poseurs like Joe Biden, only to discover that by the time she got to the final round the Democratic primary process had descended to near-parody – or, as The New York Times headline put it, a "Duel Of Historical Guilts."

That's one "historical guilt" too many. If it's Historical Guilt vs. Joe Biden and John Edwards, bet on Historical Guilt, and the Democratic base uniting around Hillary and baying "I Am Woman, Hear Me Roar." Instead, it's "I Am Woman, Hear Me Whine About The Unfairness Of It All," as the Clintonites go nuclear and accuse Obama, the ultimate cool black dude, of "imitating Ken Starr," the ultimate uptight squaresville honky.

Which may be a marginally less ineffective line of attack than Gloria Steinem complaining to the New York Observer that way too many Americans want "redemption for racism" but not enough want "redemption for the gynocide." Which may, in turn, be a marginally less fatal shot in the foot than former Carter administration honcho Andrew Young's perplexing boast that Bill Clinton has slept with more black women than Obama.

The Democratic primary season seems to have dwindled down into a psycho remake of "Driving Miss Daisy." The fading matriarch Mizz Hill'ry (Jessica Tandy) doesn't want to give up the keys to the Democratic Party vehicle but the dignified black chauffeur Hokey (Morgan Freeman) insists it'll be a much smoother ride with him in the driver's seat. Yet, just as he thinks the old biddy's resigned to a nomination as Best Supporting Actress, the backseat driver plunges her hat pin into his spine, wrests the wheel away and lurches across the median.

Is the Democratic presidential process a Karl Rove plot? Right now, neither Mizz Hill'ry nor Hokey can win without the votes of the superdelegates, whose disposition is apparently in flux. The gay superdelegates are apparently sticking to Hillary like the "Hello, Dolly!" waiters to Carol Channing. But others are said to be moving Barackwards.

Are they jumping to a stalled bandwagon? One Historical Guilt gives upscale white liberals a chance to demonstrate their progressive bona fides in unison. Two Historical Guilts shrivels from transformative feel-good fluffiness into sour tribalism. Like Hillary's "I Am Woman" routine, Obama's cult of narcissism – "We are the change we have been waiting for" – would have been a shoo-in against Biden, Dodd and Edwards. But the gaseous platitudes wafting up to Cloud Nine are suddenly very earthbound. "Yes, we can!" is an effective pitch if you're the new messiah, not so much when you're pulling in a very humdrum fortysomething percent against a divisive and strikingly inept campaigner.

Go back to that Maureen Dowd line: "People will have to choose which of America's sins are greater."

"People won't, Democrats will," the blogger Orrin Judd responded. "People will elect John McCain in November, demonstrating that we don't share their guilt."

Maybe. But a Democrat nominating process that's a self-torturing satire of upscale liberal guilt confusions will at least give us a laugh along the way.
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From The New York Times:
A Most Uncommon Man
by Dick Cavett


It was my freshman year at Yale. I was fresher than most — and from Nebraska — so just about everything I saw, heard and did that year astonished me.

Mr. Cecil Lang, my English teacher, ended a class one day with the words, “You might want to drop by the Law School tonight. A man I consider one of the most dangerous men in America is lecturing there.” I went.

Onstage was a tall, interesting-looking man unlike anything in my experience. A speaker so vocally various, so facially vigorous, so versatile of eyebrow, so eccentric of movement and gesture — even rising virtually “on point” at times for emphasis. This was not just a speaker. This was a performer.

Only a handful of the best comic actors could display such an arsenal of physical and vocal variety. Afterwards, I walked to my room, my head ringing with un-cliched, half-understood phrases. Like, “…and the mental spastics who read The Nation.”

This was some kind of strange genius, alien to anything I’d ever seen and heard.

I would have had no trouble believing, as I learned years later, that at the age of 8 (sic) — when some kids still write to Santa — this guy had written to the King of England, demanding certain war debt reparations.

The politics in his speech had meant nothing to me. I discovered my first editorial page that year and had to be reminded what Right and Left meant. When I thanked my teacher for having recommended such an entertaining evening, he said something I wasn’t sure I understood: “Buckley’s amazing, isn’t he? If he had a little more of the common touch, he’d be a truly dangerous man.”

I certainly never expected to meet him.

Years pass, and I suddenly find myself in the daunting world of hosting a talk show. I had seen a lot of Buckley on his own show — a formidable presence on the screen — and there he was on my next week’s guest list.

Because it was Buckley, I was nervous in a way I don’t think I ever was before or since. If you’d asked me what exactly I was nervous about, I doubt that I could have defined it.

Then I found out.

Conversation seemed to be moving along nicely when, in reference to something he had just brought up, I said, “I’m not really familiar with that.” Back came, “You don’t seem to be familiar with anything.”

Wham!

I think I nearly lost consciousness. It was a rotten thing to say to a beginner.

If he meant it to be funny, it wasn’t. There was a kind of sympathetic “ouch” sound from the audience as I heard myself utter a feeble, “Oh, I’m…familiar with everything.” The rest is blank, except for the thought that this new job wasn’t always going to be fun. It was a moment that at a later time both of us would have been funny about. Not then. Somehow I got through the rest of the show on automatic pilot.

We now make a cinematic, fast-forward jump-cut to the future that will seem at first like a non sequitur bit from a confusingly edited film.

A tranquil, sparkling blue bay in the Caribbean. Several people are being pulled horizontally in a human chain through the water. Power is supplied by one of those expensive Hammacher Schlemmer toys. A sturdy little German-made putt-putt gas engine sold so rich folks, frolicking, can enjoy . . . um, being pulled through water.

Two men in the short line of swim-suited, giggling aquatic revelers are recognizable. A tourist bystander asks her friend, “Hey, can that be Dick Cavett?” “Where?” “There. In the water. The guy clinging to the naked lower calves of William F. Buckley Jr.” As the latter might have answered her with that famous and much imitated resonance, “Mirabile dictu, madame, you are correct.”

Obviously our relationship had taken a turn for the better.

Over the intervening years, the Cavetts and the Buckleys had become friends. Bill and his tall and striking wife, Pat — whose elegance, smarts and wit made her the perfectly suited WFB mate — were there on their beautiful sailboat/yacht. (Pat was Patricia, of course, but I never heard anyone call her that.)

They had sailed from New York, the yacht captained by Bill, the undaunted sailor. By this time he had been an eagerly welcomed guest on my show numerous times. What he might have termed “our initial contretemps” was forgotten.

But one day I remembered it.

I felt I just had to ask him about it. I recreated it exactly. He clearly didn’t recall it and seemed a bit embarrassed. I had gotten to know and to like him so much by then that I was sorry I’d brought it up. It clearly disturbed him. I quickly offered him an out.

“Is there any chance you had me confused with David Frost”? I asked.

“Precisely,” he said, taking my offer and flashing that trademark wink and grin. We laughed.

**********

It is cocktail time below deck. My wife and Bill were fond of each other and enjoyed making each other laugh. (”I do enjoy Bill,” she said once. “I just wish it didn’t make me feel unfaithful to Gore.”) In her omnivorous reading she had downed a heavy tome on Catholicism, and asked him to clarify some abstruse point about St. Paul and the founding of the church that seemed to her somehow self-contradictory.

“Well, the theological question becomes…” he began, but seemed to get stuck. He backed up and started a whole new sentence and came up short again. Before he could start a third, his amused spouse said, “Bill, you always like to try new things. Why not admit you don’t know the answer?” After a moment, he joined in the laughter.

Later that year, in view of his striking out on the religious question, he gave my wife the “Harvard Concordance to Shakespeare,” containing every single word in the plays and every line containing that word; a monument of scholarship.

It weighed a ton, and he cautioned her about reading it in the bathtub. It was inscribed, “From one who was at a temporary loss for words, to one who — now — never need be. Affectionately, Bill.”

She responded by sending him a cherished old volume given to her by the writer Jean Stafford. I hated to see it go, but had to admit it was the absolute ideal gift for William F. Buckley. Its incredible but accurate title: “The Pilgrim’s Progress — in Words of One Syllable.”

She put: “For Bill, should he ever need some. Love, Carrie Nye.”

(End of Part One)

Friday, March 07, 2008

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From THE JERUSALEM POST:
Condi's echo chamber
Caroline Glick

Mar. 6, 2008

US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice left many Israelis and supporters of Israel scratching their heads in disbelief this week.

Rice arrived in Israel in a week marked by Fatah-incited violence against Israel and Israelis, both in Judea and Samaria and within sovereign Israel.

On Monday, a well organized group of hundreds of Arab thugs threw rocks at Jewish motorists in Jerusalem. A dozen hoodlums nearly lynched two municipal inspectors when, after blocking traffic on Salah a-Din Street with burning tires, they stoned the inspectors' vehicle and began shattering their windshield with a metal pipe. The two escaped by the skin of their teeth.

Outside Hebron, an Israeli was attacked by yet another mob and escaped alive only by opening fire at his assailants.

In another incident, Fatah forces murdered a Palestinian and seriously wounded an Israeli outside of Hebron. The US-financed group claimed its operatives lured the Israeli to the scene.

In Ramallah and Hebron, thousands of Fatah members rallied in support of Hamas and its missile offensive against the western Negev. Israeli Arabs also escalated their verbal and physical assaults on Israel and Israeli Jews, in a series of demonstrations that culminated in a mass demonstration in support of Hamas that took place on Tuesday evening in Umm el-Fahm.

In Judea and Samaria, Fatah leader and Palestinian Authority Chairman Mahmoud Abbas referred to the IDF's operations in Gaza as an attempted "holocaust." He praised terrorists, suspended negotiations with Israel and reiterated his refusal to recognize Israel. His deputies and associates echoed his incendiary remarks and also spoke in support of armed attacks against US forces in Iraq.

Then there is Egypt. Last Monday, two days before Hamas escalated its missile offensive against southern Israel, Egypt released 21 Hamas terrorists from custody in el-Arish. Twelve of the men had reportedly been detained while carrying weapons and attempting to cross into Israel to carry out terrorist attacks. On Monday, they were escorted to Gaza by scores of Egyptian security officials and handed over to Hamas.

One might think, in the face of Fatah's obvious support for Hamas's efforts to destroy Israel, that Rice might have begun to question her devotion to Palestinian statehood and support for Fatah. It might have made her question her refusal to support an Israeli bid to retake control over Gaza's border with Egypt. Indeed, in light of Iran's deep involvement in Hamas's missile offensive, it might have even occurred to Rice that an Israeli reoccupation of Gaza would weaken Iran and so put a damper on its efforts to take over Lebanon and Iraq.

But none of these developments had any impact on Rice, or for that matter on her boss President George W. Bush. Ignoring Fatah's obvious involvement in terror and increasingly overt support for Hamas's missile war against Israeli civilians, Bush overrode a congressional ban on the transfer of $150 million to Fatah. Similarly, in her visit to Egypt this week, Rice announced that the administration was overriding a congressional decision to block the transfer of $120m. to Egypt due to its refusal to prevent Hamas weapons smuggling operations from Egypt.

In her joint press conference with Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni, Rice acted as though nothing notable had transpired over the past two weeks. Rice announced that the US will be giving $148m. to UNRWA in 2008 - this despite the fact that UN refugee camps in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, Judea and Samaria and Jordan are all hotbeds of terror recruitment, training and indoctrination. She ignored Hamas's widespread popularity in Palestinian society, called for Israel to step up its humanitarian aid to Gaza, and defended the Palestinians as victims. As she put it, "Hamas... in effect, holds the people of Gaza hostage in their hands."

Ignoring Abbas's open support for Hamas against Israel, Rice claimed that he had agreed to return to the negotiating table and insisted that the only way to end violence is to establish a Palestinian state. She then intimated that in the midst of Fatah's open support for Hamas's Iranian-supported open war against Israel, she expected Israel to take action to demolish the communities its citizens have built in Judea and Samaria, claiming, "We do need to have improvements on the ground. We do need to have the parties meeting their road map obligations."

SOME ISRAELIS and supporters of Israel attribute Rice's irrational championing of Palestinian statehood to anti-Israeli bigotry. These voices cite Rice's penchant for drawing parallels between white supremacists in the pre-Civil Rights movement era American South and Israeli soldiers carrying out counterterror operations in Judea and Samaria. By repeatedly invoking this morally and factually perverted comparison, they claim that Rice exposes a deep-seated animus towards the Jewish state and its citizens.

But there is another possible - in fact more likely - explanation for Rice's behavior. It is quite possible that Rice has simply isolated herself from all information and all persons bearing information that might force her to change her policy course.

In an investigative report on the Hamas takeover of Gaza last June, Vanity Fair reporter David Rose recalls Rice's reaction to the terror group's electoral victory. Speaking to reporters at the time, Rice said, "I've asked why nobody saw it coming. I don't know anyone who wasn't caught off guard by Hamas's strong showing."

What is remarkable about this statement is what it says about the insulated nature of Rice's world. Indeed, it is a veritable echo chamber. In Israel, this writer, as well as The Jerusalem Post's Khaled Abu Toameh warned that Hamas was likely to win those elections. So did esteemed Israeli diplomatic and military leaders like former UN ambassador Dore Gold, former IDF chief of General Staff Lt. Gen. (res.) Moshe Ya'alon and many others. In the Bush administration, David Wurmser, who at the time served as Vice President Richard Cheney's Middle East adviser, similarly warned that Hamas would likely win. Other senior voices in the administration voiced concern as well.

Some three million Israelis who opposed the 2005 withdrawal from the Gaza Strip warned repeatedly that the withdrawal would serve to empower Hamas and other terror groups. Withdrawal opponents also warned that if Israel ceded control over the international border with Egypt, the border would become a terror highway, and that Katyushas would rain down on Ashkelon.

But Rice ignored all these warnings and either ignored or sidelined those sounding them. Reveling in the warm embrace of State Department careerists like R. Nicholas Burns, David Welch and others, Rice helped to torpedo UN ambassador John Bolton's Senate confirmation hearings. Other dissenters met similar fates.

It is not only toward Israel and the Palestinians that Rice insists on operating in a policy vacuum. Her stewardship of other central issues is also marked alternately by a studied silencing of dissenting views and outright neglect of US national interests in favor of a perception of "progress" that doesn't exist. State Department policies toward North Korea and Iraq are glaring examples of this overarching trend.

The Washington Post reported this week that the State Department toned down its human rights report on North Korea. The report claimed that Glyn Davies, principal deputy assistant secretary for East Asia and the Pacific, e-mailed Erica Barks-Ruggles, deputy assistant secretary for democracy, human rights and labor, last Friday asking for changes in the language on North Korea. The e-mail suggested that "given the secretary's priority on the six-party talks, we can sacrifice a few adjectives for the cause."

Those six-party talks ran aground on December 31 when North Korea failed to abide by its commitment to fully disclose its nuclear inventory and its proliferation activities. In light of this state of affairs, Jay Lefkowitz, Bush's special envoy to North Korea on human rights, told an audience at the American Enterprise Institute in Washington last month that the six-party talks had failed, and that the US should reconsider its policy toward North Korea.

Rice's response to Lefkowitz's argument was marked by mean-spirited hysteria. Rather than contend with the substance of his argument, she belittled Lefkowitz. "He's the human rights envoy," Rice told reporters. "That's what he knows. That's what he does. He doesn't work on the six-party talks. He doesn't know what's going on in the six-party talks and he certainly has no say in the six-party talks."

One of the oddest aspects of Rice's diplomatic activities is how little time she devotes to Iraq. Iraq, after all, is the face of Bush's foreign policy and in the final analysis, Bush's legacy will be determined not by what he does to Israel or the Palestinians, but by what sort of Iraq he leaves behind. Yet apparently Rice couldn't care less about Iraq.

In a scathing memo sent last month to US Ambassador in Baghdad Ryan Crocker, Manuel Miranda, a senior Republican attorney who spent the past year overseeing the embassy's office of legislative oversight, noted a complete disconnect between the US military's valiant efforts to cultivate the formation of a secure, democratic Iraq and the State Department's incompetence in advancing this central US policy. Miranda described a puerile embassy staff, bereft of institutional memory from year to year, which ignores Iraqi society and treats the democratization drive as an annoyance rather than as the central objective of US policy in Iraq.

In his words, "In this excuse-making culture, the State Department has been an albatross around the neck of the coalition command."

As Miranda put it, "This past year, the State Department and the embassy have been led by two misguided premises: First, the obsessive aim that the embassy be turned into a 'normal embassy,' and, second, that the State Department cannot be faulted for the things that the government of Iraq is not doing."

The fact is that this is Rice's policy. It was Rice who, in November 2006, began claiming that Iraq's failure to transform itself overnight into a properly run federal state was solely the responsibility of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki.

Miranda noted that rather than cultivate a habit of liberalism by reaching out to Iraqis as the military does, the State Department has sufficed with training law enforcement officials and kibitzing with lawmakers. In his words, "With a few exceptions by the military and a few other recent efforts, we have ignored the Iraqi Bar, the twenty-six [Iraqi] law schools and the development of the culture [of liberalism] beyond the areas associated with arrest and prosecution."

WITH ONLY 10 months left in office, unless Bush swiftly forces Rice to change course, these and other policies pushed by Rice in spite of their obvious failures will either blow up in her face, or in the face of her successor. And of course, it isn't only her legacy that will be harmed by her irresponsible insulation. The lives of tens of millions of people will be imperiled by her hidebound policies.

Thursday, March 06, 2008

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From USA TODAY:
UCLA's champs rally around recovering Wooden
By Christine Brennan

Michael Warren, the actor and former basketball star, received word the other day that a man he could never call by his first name was in the hospital after a bad fall. Warren wanted to go see him right away but was told to wait a few days. Finally, on Wednesday, the morning of his 62nd birthday, Warren got the chance to step into the hospital room of the man he calls Coach Wooden.

UCLA's legendary John Wooden, now 97, fell in his Southern California condo last week and broke his wrist and collarbone. The news spread among his players, passing from national champion to national champion one phone call at a time.

"We belong to a very exclusive club," Warren said. "Not to be elitist in any way, but there has never been another team to experience what we experienced. No one ever did what we did (win 10 NCAA men's basketball titles in 12 seasons, including seven in a row). We're part of something great — I don't know if dynasty is the word — and Coach Wooden has been the one constant. We've come and gone. But he's the constant."

When his former players started to arrive at his hospital door, the procession didn't stop. Kareem Abdul-Jabbar came by on Tuesday, Warren the next day.

"I was concerned," Warren said on the phone later. "In some ways, I was expecting the worst, because he is 97. But when I heard he was getting up and walking, it was really uplifting. And we had a good conversation, not too long, but we talked about (today's) game against Stanford, about the players who had been to see him, about our families."

They stop their lives for Wooden. Abdul-Jabbar, the three-time national champion who is arguably Wooden's most famous player, e-mailed that he is "one of the many Wooden supporters who cringe at the thought of any hardships that he may endure. He was such a positive force in my life, and he helped me see how to do the right things in life. I didn't always learn quickly, but I always had his positive input to reflect on. He always pointed out the best choices for those who would listen."

Bill Walton, who stays in constant touch with Wooden, once wrote on his website that his old coach, who retired in 1975, was "still the same teacher, the same positive force, the person who we would all like to become, only better …

"Better," Walton wrote, "because John Wooden represents the conquest of substance over hype, the triumph of achievement over erratic flailing, the conquest of discipline over gambling and the triumph of executing an organized plan over hoping that you'll be lucky, hot or in the zone. John Wooden also represents the conquest of sacrifice, hard work and commitment to achievement over the pipe dream that someone will just give you something or that you can take a pill or turn a key to get what you want."

You read that and you figure the sports world could use about 1,000 John Woodens today. But one is a good start, said current UCLA men's basketball coach Ben Howland, who visited Wooden on Monday.

Wooden was in his usual spot behind the Bruins bench as recently as Feb. 23, when he watched Howland's team defeat Oregon, and he spoke with all of UCLA's student-athletes a few months earlier, talking about his renowned philosophy known as the "Pyramid of Success."

"They understand how lucky they are to have a chance to know him," Howland said.

But the really fortunate ones are the men he coached years ago. There's nothing like a pilgrimage to Wooden's side, as unpleasant as the location and circumstances might be, to make everything seem right in the world, Warren said.

"Now when he says, 'These are my boys,' it's great. We're no longer 18 years old and in the 1960s and looking at it as somehow being disrespectful. I love UCLA and I love Coach Wooden. Some players call him John. I don't call him John, I call him Coach Wooden. When I see him, I embrace him and kiss him as I would my own father."

Warren, who starred on television in Hill Street Blues and City of Angels, played guard for Wooden's 1967 and 1968 national championship teams. One of his goals these days is to make a movie called Beyond Winning. It's the story of John Wooden's life.

"Sometimes I feel guilty wanting him to stay with us because I know a part of him wants to be reunited with the love of his life, his late wife. (Nell Wooden died in 1985.) But then I think, we can't let him go. It's really not our choice, of course. It will happen at the right time. The most important thing is that everything is coming full circle. With Coach Wooden now having a difficult time, we all want to give him the support that he has always given us."
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From The Dallas Morning News:
The William F. Buckley I knew
ROD DREHER

When William F. Buckley died last week, the papers and blogs filled with learned tributes to the paramount role a great man played in the political events of his time. John O'Sullivan, who succeeded Mr. Buckley as National Review editor when the magazine's founder retired in 1990, recalled a trip he'd made with Mr. Buckley to Eastern Europe a year after the Berlin Wall fell.

"Because of Bill's leadership in the anti-communist and conservative movements, everyone wanted to meet him," Mr. O'Sullivan disclosed. "New ministers, heads of new political parties and editors of old national newspapers (with new editorial lines) told him of how they had read smuggled copies of NR during the years that the communist regime condemned them to work as stokers and quarry-men."

Can you imagine vindication so grand? To meet former prisoners whose hopes your words and deeds kept alive during their years of bondage. To shake the hands of men and women whose liberty you'd helped accomplish. To come face to face with irrefutable evidence that the labor to which you'd given your entire life had, in fact, slain one of history's most evil dragons.

Bill Buckley, the most influential political journalist of the last half of the 20th century, did that. Quite simply, he invented modern conservatism. He and his little magazine rallied the motley tribes on the American right, gave them discipline, coherence and intellectual presence, and united them around the cause of combating the disorders brought about by liberalism (its most extreme manifestation being communism).

Had WFB (as he was informally known) never lived, things might have turned out rather differently for those Eastern Europeans – and for us all.

For all the testimonials to his role in the making of an epoch, the most touching were the many remembrances of the man's grace and decency. His public persona was that of an intellectual aristocrat, and he was that. But he was noble in spirit, unfailingly kind and possessed impeccable manners, as people who knew him well, and those who may have met him only once, remarked upon his passing.

WFB was well into retirement when I joined the staff of National Review in 2002, and he rarely came into the office. Once I received an invitation to join senior editors at the Buckleys' Park Avenue place for their fortnightly dinner.

Well, here it comes, I thought, my chance to make a fool of myself in front of this heroic figure, this icon, this, this ...

"Call me Bill," he said as he smiled, shook my hand and offered me a drink. And really, it was fine after that. Bill made you feel welcome and respected, as if you were his equal, though few were.

On the day Bill died, I asked a leading foreign-policy scholar what stood out in his mind of the man. Do you know what he said? He mentioned the time he'd introduced his intern to Bill, who was a hero to the young man. Though the room was full of swells and intellectual potentates, Bill ignored them and talked to the kid for a good long while.

That, reader, is class.

On the night I first met him, I noticed something else at Bill's table. Ira Glasser, a longtime American Civil Liberties Union leader, was one of the guests. Bill talked politics with the liberal's liberal intensely but never combatively. He genuinely enjoyed Mr. Glasser's company.

Pay attention, I thought. This is important. By the degraded standards to which we've become accustomed, the archconservative Buckley and archliberal Glasser should barely be able to speak to each other. But there they were – there we all were – talking politics pointedly, but with real pleasure. Truly, Bill Buckley was the happy genius of American conservatism.

If you want to know what we've all lost, go to YouTube and watch clips of old Firing Line interviews between WFB and prominent left-wing figures. It is astonishing to think that high-flying political debate was once conducted with such artfulness, sophistication and – above all – civility. I know, I know, WFB was unusually gifted in that way, but wasn't there a time when all smart young conservatives aspired to meet his standard?

The movement he founded is now, alas, foundering amid its failures. As conservatives try to figure out how to restore and renew our collective vision, we would do well to learn from the master. Bill Buckley, in his fathomless intellectual curiosity, gave voice to creative thinkers from various schools of conservative thought. He was no tub-thumping ideologue. He knew what he believed, and defended it peerlessly, but he was never vulgar or stupid. He didn't hate.

Ask the Eastern Europeans. Besides, it's the best way to be a conservative. Ask anyone who knew Bill for five minutes, or a lifetime.

A conservatism that is marked by intelligence, wit, humanity and generosity of spirit is a conservatism that can win, and deserve to win. The last man who tried it moved the world.


Wednesday, March 05, 2008

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From The New York Times: She'll likely revert to irrationally attacking Republicans once the Democratic nominee is decided, but for right now Maureen Dowd is doing great work.
Duel of Historical Guilts

By MAUREEN DOWD

SAN ANTONIO

Some women in their 30s, 40s and early-50s who favor Barack Obama have a phrase to describe what they don’t like about Hillary Clinton: Shoulder-pad feminism.

They feel that women have moved past that men-are-pigs, woe-is-me, sisters-must-stick-together, pantsuits-are-powerful era that Hillary’s campaign has lately revived with a vengeance.

And they don’t like Gloria Steinem and other old-school feminists trying to impose gender discipline and a call to order on the sisters.

As a woman I know put it: “Hillary doesn’t make it look like fun to be a woman. And her ‘I-have-been-victimized’ campaign is depressing.”

But Hillary — carried on the padded shoulders of the older women in Texas, Ohio and Rhode Island who loved her “I Will Survive” rallying cry that “I am a little older and I have earned every wrinkle on my face” — has been saved to fight another day.

Exit polls have showed that fans of Hillary — who once said they would be happy with Obama if Hillary dropped out — were hardening in their opposition to him, while Obama voters were not so harsh about her.

Three Hillary volunteers, older women from Boston, approached a New York Times reporter in an Austin, Tex., parking lot on Tuesday to vent that Hillary hasn’t gotten a fair shake from the press. They said that they used to like Obama but now can’t stand him because they think he has been cocky and disrespectful to Hillary.

As Hillary, remarkably and cleverly, put Obama on the defensive about a real estate deal, health care and Nafta, her campaign ratcheted up the retro battle of the sexes when they sent Dianne Feinstein onto the Fox News Sunday-morning talk show to promote the idea that Hillary should not be forced out, regardless of the results of Tuesday’s primaries, simply because she’s a woman.

“For those of us that are part of ‘a woman need not apply’ generation that goes back to the time I went out to get my first job following college and a year of graduate work, this is an extraordinarily critical race,” the senator said.

With Obama saying the hour is upon us to elect a black man and Hillary saying the hour is upon us to elect a woman, the Democratic primary has become the ultimate nightmare of liberal identity politics. All the victimizations go tripping over each other and colliding, a competition of historical guilts.

People will have to choose which of America’s sins are greater, and which stain will have to be removed first. Is misogyny worse than racism, or is racism worse than misogyny?

As it turns out, making history is actually a way of being imprisoned by history. It’s all about the past. Will America’s racial past be expunged or America’s sexist past be expunged?

As Ali Gallagher, a white Hillary volunteer in Austin told The Washington Post’s Krissah Williams: “A friend of mine, a black man, said to me, ‘My ancestors came to this country in chains; I’m voting for Barack.’ I told him, ‘Well, my sisters came here in chains and on their periods; I’m voting for Hillary.’ ”

And meanwhile, the conventional white man sits on the Republican side and enjoys the spectacle of the Democrats’ identity pileup and victim lock.

Just as Michelle Obama urged blacks to support her husband, many shoulder-pad feminists are growing more fierce in charging that women who let Obama leapfrog over Hillary are traitors.

Julie Acevedo, a precinct captain for Obama in Austin, noticed that things were getting uglier on Friday, during the early voting, when she “saw some very angry women just stomping by us to go vote for Hillary. They cut us off when we tried to talk about Barack.

“I’m 46,” Ms. Acevedo, a fund-raiser for state politicians, said Tuesday night. “Maybe I missed it by a few years, but I don’t know why these women are so fueled by such hostility and think other women are misogynists if they don’t vote for Hillary. It’s insulting and disturbing.”

She said that if Obama definitively outpaces Hillary, she will work to “heal the wounds” and woo back women who are now angry at him.

Watching Bill Clinton greet but not address — the Big Dog has been muzzled — an excited group of students at Texas State University in San Marcos on Tuesday, 19-year-old Allison Krolczyk said she was leaning toward Obama and felt no gender guilt about voting for him. “Not at all,” she said. “I think they’re both pretty amazing.”

The crowd held up their camera phones to capture the former president, in his bright orange tie and orange-brown ostrich cowboy boots.

“We love you, Bill!” yelled one boy. “You did a good job, except for Monica.”
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From Human Events:
Hillary: Stand By Some Other Man

The mainstream media said she was finished, but our brave Hillary soldiered on to wallop B. Hussein Obama in Ohio, Texas and Rhode Island Tuesday night. I don't know what the MSM is so upset about-- we let them pick the Republican nominee. Did they want to pick the Democratic nominee, too?

Not only that, but after some toothsome appearances on various madcap comedy shows this past week -- "Saturday Night Live," "Late Night With David Letterman," "Hardball With Chris Matthews" -- Hillary's "likability" quotient is soaring! According to the latest CNN/CBS News poll, she's just been upgraded from "Utterly Loathsome" to "Execrable."

The percentage of registered voters who would rather disembowel themselves with a wooden spoon than vote for Hillary has just slipped below the magical 50 percent mark. We're surging, Hillary! If you want to be even more likable, you should go on "The View." Next to those four harpies, you seem almost agreeable.

Now that Hillary has won three primaries in a row, it's time for Obama to do the classy thing and withdraw from the race. (Obama won Vermont, but that was earlier in the day. Exit polls indicate he took the black vote. Literally. There was just the one.)

Imagine how proud Michelle Obama would be of her country if that happened! But Obama probably won't do the classy thing, despite claiming to be a "new" kind of politician and rejecting the politics of division.

If Hillary is serious about becoming president, she's got to make some changes. I say this as a Hillary supporter and strong opponent of divorce. Hillary: You've got to divorce Bill. You've already fired one campaign manager. Now it's time to get rid of your No. 1 buzz-killer.

Not only is the media's group-lie about Bill Clinton being a "rock star" over, but -- one can hope -- the use of the excruciatingly stupid phrase "rock star" to refer to wonky politicians is over. It's become such a cliche that music critics have begun referring to actual rock stars as "leading Democratic contenders."

Liberals believe, often accurately, that if they say the same thing over and over again 1 billion times, people will believe it: "Bush lied, kids died," "We've lost in Iraq," "Reagan is stupid," "Bush is stupid," "Republicans are stupid," "Global warming is destroying the planet," "Gloria Steinem is good-looking" and -- their most provably false assertion -- "Bill Clinton is the most talented politician of his generation."

In a period of just a few short months last year, "news" articles in The New York Times cooed -- I mean "said" -- the following about Bill Clinton:

-- "Elvis is here, Clinton version. Having Bill Clinton campaign for you, as Mr. Ford learns, is a mixed blessing. You are bolstered standing next to this outsized Democrat, but still seem puny by comparison."

-- "Mr. Clinton is one Oscar-worthy supporting actor who can sometimes upstage his leading lady simply by breathing."

-- "Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton has been trying to capture Bill Clinton's old political magic and lay claim to his legacy and popularity."

-- Tony Blair's charisma "ranks second only to Bill Clinton's."

Not to be a stickler, but Bill Clinton is the guy who could never get as much as 50 percent of the country to vote for him. And that was in two presidential elections that the Republicans basically sat out (as they are doing this year).

It was also in elections held before the country realized "Elvis" Clinton was molesting the help. If Bill Clinton is the Democrats' idea of Elvis, somebody should tell them he's playing to half-empty houses.

Besides the joy liberals take in lying generally, they have massive Reagan envy. Despite having informed us the requisite 1 billion times that Reagan was a dunce, Americans adored him, and still do.

Democrats wanted one of their presidents to be adored, too -- and not just for being assassinated. But they only seemed able to produce laughable incompetents like Jimmy Carter.

So no matter how preposterous it was, liberals just kept telling us that the chubby kid with the big red nose whose greatest moment on the football field involved a wind instrument was "Elvis." According to Nexis, that appellation has been applied to Clinton approximately 1,000 times. In print, that is. There's no telling how many drunken cocktail waitresses have whispered it in Clinton's ear during late-night elevator assignations.

You can stop lying for the voters now, Hillary. This is me, Ann Coulter, your supporter.

This charade of a marriage has gone on long enough. Even if you were stupid enough to marry him back in the '70s, Bill is just so over, girlfriend. He can't even get Holiday Inn cocktail waitresses anymore. Last I heard, he was hitting on the Motel 6 housekeeping staff.

You're too good for him, Hillary. Obama has now denounced and rejected Louis Farrakhan. It's time for you to denounce and reject Bill Clinton.

Obama excites voters by offering to be the first black president. You've got a chance to make history by becoming the first divorcee to win the White House.

Tuesday, March 04, 2008

Joe Girardi
Joe Girardi, center, takes over a Yankees team that has
advanced to the postseason in each of the last 12 years.
Yankees buying into new way
of doing things under Girardi

By Bob Klapisch

Special to ESPN.com

TAMPA, Fla. -- From the day he walked into his new office at Legends Field, Joe Girardi has strived to put his own imprint on the Yankees -- distancing himself from Joe Torre, without diminishing the legacy of the most successful Yankees manager of the past 50 years. Talk about the need for political finesse: Girardi knew the clubhouse was full of Torre loyalists, all the way down to the equipment staff.

Yet in the first month of camp, the Bombers are buying what Girardi's been selling, including the blistering conditioning program, the emphasis on fundamentals and increased face time with the players. It's a stark change from the Torre reign, which operated loosely and on the honor system. The old Joe trusted his players; in turn they treated him with reverence. But that doesn't mean the Yankees weren't ready for change, especially in the midst of a seven-year championship drought.

Mike Mussina seemed to be speaking for the entire team when he said, "We loved Joe, but we all knew things had to be different. Especially the guys who've been here a while and haven't won, we were very disappointed at the way things had been going."

No one says so in quite so many words, but the Yankees had become comfortable with Torre, perhaps too much so. It didn't help that the Yankees hardly ran at all last spring -- "We learned you have to do more than take grounders and BP and then hit the showers," Mussina said -- which left the team unprepared by Opening Day.

By May 2, seven players were either injured or on the disabled list, leading to the firing of conditioning coach Marty Miller. That set the tone for the rest of the summer, and even though the Yankees nearly caught the Red Sox, their first-round loss to the Indians didn't seem to sting as much as in previous years.

Torre himself seemed unusually passive, staying in the dugout when Joba Chamberlain was being swarmed by midges in the decisive Game 2 of the Division Series at Jacobs Field. Torre repeated this week in Vero Beach, Fla., what he'd said in October, that he should've asked the umpires to stop play. Instead, Torre said, "I didn't act on it, and I regret that."

Maybe it was no surprise, then, that Torre and the Yankees parted ways after a 12-year run. Looking back now, Torre says, "I think change was probably best for both parties." But how was Girardi going to win over Torre's captain, Derek Jeter, rebels Johnny Damon and Jason Giambi, and a clubhouse intellectual like Mussina?

Girardi has done it by mingling with players, which Torre did less and less in his later years, choosing to leave the policing to Jeter. Damon says, "Joe [Girardi] walks in here and he asks for your opinion, he asks how you're feeling, he gives you the feeling that what you think matters."

Clearly, Girardi is using new tactics. Two years ago with the Marlins, he was an authoritarian figure, in charge of a young, more impressionable team. Today, Girardi still looks like a state trooper with his crew cut, but aside from the intense running drills he imposed on the Yankees, he's been wise enough to treat Jeter and the rest of the veterans like peers. Indeed, at 43, Girardi isn't much older than some of his core players. Mussina calls him "a player in charge more than an actual manager."

It's worked. Not one Yankee has pined for the good old days under Torre -- except for Jeter's joking reference that he missed Joe "when we were running." Does this sound like a passively run camp? Soon after reporting, the Yankees were pushing out foul-pole-to-foul-pole sprints. The next day they were running 300-yard shuttles -- a series of six 50-yard sprints -- that had to be completed in less than a minute. After a 90-second rest, everyone did it again. The following day, there were multiple 100-yard dashes.

If anyone would've taken issue with the aerobic overload, it would be Giambi, who said he was "totally gassed … I'm 240 pounds, there's only so much I can handle." But like everyone else in the room, the slugger stood by Girardi's rules.

Joe [Girardi] walks in here and he asks for your opinion, he asks how you're feeling, he gives you the feeling that what you think
matters.

-- Yankees outfielder
Johnny Damon


"Joe's a good guy, we all respect him because he was a player, he was one of us," Giambi said. "And he's honest. He told us this was going to be a tougher camp than in the past, so it's not like we didn't have any warning."

Torre himself predicted Girardi would succeed in a clubhouse that was once loyal to him.

"The players are paid to wear the uniform and wear it proudly," he said. In other words, don't expect much nostalgic pining for the good old days. The Yankees are, for now, Girardi's team, although the real test won't come until April and beyond, when the new manager will have to find a way for Chamberlain to transition to the starting rotation without the eighth inning turning into an open wound. He'll have to deal with an ever-present Hank Steinbrenner, whose appetite for headlines is already dwarfing his father's. He'll have to show patience the first time the Yankees lose more than three in a row.

That's when Torre was at his best. He created an atmosphere that allowed his players to flourish, especially the veterans. And that's how the Yankees will ultimately judge Girardi, with the answer to this question: Is he a leader or not? GM Brian Cashman already has a response.

"One of the reasons we hired Joe Girardi is because he has so many traits that were similar to Joe Torre," Cashman said. "We know we picked the right guy."

Bob Klapisch is a sports columnist for The Record (N.J.) and a regular contributor to ESPN.com.
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The Trade Issue is Back, Big-Time
By Patrick Buchanan

If Canada and Mexico do not renegotiate NAFTA, said Hillary Clinton in the Cleveland debate, she would "opt out" of the trade treaty that was the legislative altarpiece of Bill Clinton's presidency. Barack agreed. NAFTA is renegotiated, or NAFTA is gone.

Barack went further. He has denounced "open trucking," the feature of NAFTA whereby Mexican trucks are to be free to roam the United States and compete with the Teamsters of Jim Hoffa's union, which just endorsed him.

The trade issue is back, big-time. For to blue-collar workers in industrial states like Ohio, NAFTA is a code word for betrayal -- a sellout of them and their families to CEOs panting to move production out of the United States to cheap-labor countries like Mexico and China.

Our workers' instincts are backed up by stats. In 2007, the U.S. trade deficit with Mexico soared 16 percent to $73 billion, a record. Mexico now ships more cars to us now than we ship to the world. And where did Mexico get an auto industry?

The U.S. trade deficit with China shot up 10 percent to $256 billion, the largest trade deficit ever between any two countries.

Charles MacMillion of MBG Services has run the numbers.

In manufactures, the United States had a trade deficit of $499 billion in 2007, a slight improvement over the $526 billion record in 2006. Yet that trade deficit in manufactured goods with the world is more than twice as large as our $224 billion bill for OPEC's oil.

Under Bush, the U.S. trade deficit has doubled. Three million manufacturing jobs have vanished. And America has begun to run a trade deficit in advanced technology goods of more than $50 billion.

Our trade deficit in advanced technology goods with China is $67 billion, eight times what it is with Japan.

"Free trade is essential to the creation of high-paying quality jobs," said Bush on Thursday. But if exports create jobs (and they do), imports displace them. And if we import half a trillion dollars more in manufactures than we export, is not Bush trade policy literally slaughtering industrial jobs?

Is there not a correlation between $4.3 trillion in trade deficits under Bush, the 3 million manufacturing jobs lost under Bush, the fall of the dollar by 50 percent against the euro under Bush and the resurgence of inflation, signaled by a quadrupling of the price of gold, under Bush?

Neither Hillary nor Obama has laid out a new trade-and-tax policy to deal with the de-industrialization of America and our deepening dependency on foreign technology, manufactures and the loans to pay for them. But at least they are listening to the country.

John McCain seems blind and deaf to the crisis. In Michigan, he informed autoworkers their "jobs are not coming back" and explained his philosophy: "I'm a student of history. Every time the United States has become protectionist ... we've paid a very heavy price."

This is ahistorical nonsense. From 1860 to 1913, the United States was the most protectionist nation on earth and produced the most awesome growth of any nation in history. In 1860, the U.S. economy was half of Britain's; in 1913, more than twice Britain's.

In 1920, Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge won a landslide, cut income taxes from Wilson's 69 percent to 25 percent and doubled tariffs. America went on a tear. When Coolidge went home in 1929, the United States was producing 42 percent of the world's manufactured goods.

Who were America's protectionists?

Alexander Hamilton and James Madison moved the Tariff Act of 1789 through Congress. Aided by Henry Clay, John Calhoun, Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, President Madison enacted the Tariff of 1816 to protect U.S. infant industries from British dumping.

Abraham Lincoln used Morrill Tariff revenue to fight the Civil War. The 11 GOP presidents who followed, from 1865 to 1929, all protectionists, made America the greatest industrial power in history, with a standard of living never before seen. Mocking protectionism, McCain is repudiating Republican history and all its achievements up to the era of Dwight Eisenhower and Richard Nixon.

America rose to power behind a Republican tariff wall. What has free trade wrought? Lost sovereignty. A sinking dollar. A hollowing out of U.S. manufacturing. Stagnant wages. Wives forced into the labor market to maintain the family income. Mass indebtedness to foreign nations, and a deepening dependency on foreign goods and borrowings to pay for them. We have sacrificed our country on the altar of this Moloch, the mythical Global Economy.

It took Rip Van Republican 20 years to wake up to the disaster of open borders and five years to realize the folly of igniting wars in which no vital interest was at risk. How long before the GOP wakes up to the reality that globalism is not conservatism, never was, but is a pillar of Wilsonian liberalism, in whose vineyards our faux conservatives now daily labor.

Copyright 2008, Creators Syndicate Inc

Monday, March 03, 2008

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From Slate:
Cliché, not plagiarism, is the problem
with today's pallid political discourse.

By Christopher Hitchens


One of the great moments among many in Martin Scorsese's Taxi Driver is when we find the young Albert Brooks manning the phones in the campaign office of the man we know (and he does not) to be a double-dyed phony. On behalf of the empty and grinning Sen. Palantine, he is complaining to a manufacturer of lapel buttons. "We asked for buttons that said, 'We Are the People.' These say, 'We Are the People.'… Oh, you don't think there's a difference? Well, we will not pay for the buttons. We will throw the buttons away." Part of the joke here is that the joke itself is also at the expense of Brooks' character and his "candidate"—there really and truly isn't much, if any, difference. Fan of Jerry Brown as I had been, I still winced when he ran on his lame "We the People" slogan against Clinton as late as 1992.

Of course, in 1992, Clinton borrowed from an old slogan of John F. Kennedy's: "Change Is the Law of Life." Now, why did he annex that questionable truism, and why in that year? First of all, because he wanted to plagiarize the entire Kennedy effect for himself, and second, because he was the challenger and not the incumbent. When you are the incumbent, it is harder (but not impossible) to demand "change." Sen. Hillary Clinton, who wants to run as the "change" candidate—because, well, because you can't so easily run as a status quo candidate—also wants to run as a stability-and-experience candidate. Hence the repeated alterations (or "changes") in her half-baked slogans. By the time the plagiarism row had been started by her very ill-advised advisers, she had run through: "Big Challenges, Real Solutions"; "Working for Change, Working for You"; "Ready for Change, Ready To Lead"; and "Solutions for America." Sen. Obama, meanwhile, had picked the slightly less banal and more cryptic mantra "Change We Can Believe In," which I call cryptic only because at least it makes one ask what it can conceivably be intended to mean.

It is cliché, not plagiarism, that is the problem with our stilted, room-temperature political discourse. It used to be that thinking people would say, with at least a shred of pride, that their own convictions would not shrink to fit on a label or on a bumper sticker. But now it seems that the more vapid and vacuous the logo, the more charm (or should that be "charisma"?) it exerts. Take "Yes We Can," for example. It's the sort of thing parents might chant encouragingly to a child slow on the potty-training uptake. As for "We Are the People We Have Been Waiting For" (in which case, one can only suppose that now that we have arrived, we can all go home), I didn't think much of it when Rep. Dennis Kucinich used it at an anti-war rally in 2004 ("We Are the People We Are Waiting For" being his version) or when Thomas Friedman came across it at an MIT student event last December. He wrote, by the way, that just hearing it gave him—well, you guess what it gave him. Hope? That's exactly right.

Pretty soon, we should be able to get electoral politics down to a basic newspeak that contains perhaps 10 keywords: Dream, Fear, Hope, New, People, We, Change, America, Future, Together. Fishing exclusively from this tiny and stagnant pool of stock expressions, it ought to be possible to drive all thinking people away from the arena and leave matters in the gnarled but capable hands of the professional wordsmiths and manipulators. In the new jargon, certain intelligible ideas would become inexpressible. (How could one state, for example, the famous Burkean principle that many sorts of change ought to be regarded with skepticism?) In a rather poor trade-off for this veto on complexity, many views that are expressible (and "We the People Together Dream of and Hope for New Change in America" would be really quite a long sentence in the latest junk language) will, in turn, be entirely and indeed almost beautifully unintelligible.

And it's not as if anybody is looking for coded language in which to say: "Health care—who needs it?" or "Special interests and lobbyists—give them a break," let alone "Dr. King's dream—what a snooze." It's more that the prevailing drivel assumes that every adult in the country is a completely illiterate jerk who would rather feel than think and who must furthermore be assumed, for a special season every four years, to imagine that everyone else "in America" or in "this country" is unemployed or starving or sleeping under a bridge. The next assumption made by the drivel is that only a new president (or perhaps a sitting president who is somehow eager to run against Washington and everything else in his home town) can possibly cure all these ills. The non sequitur is breathtaking. The more I could be brought to believe in a stupid incantation such as "Washington Is Broken," the less inclined I would be to pay the moving expenses to bring a failed Mormon crowd-pleaser and flip-flopper to 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. And this was the best that a supposed "full-spectrum conservative" could come up with by way of rhetoric. At this rate, Sen. John McCain will have to campaign as a radical post-Castroite to deal with the perceptions that a) he's too old and b) the Republicans are too WASP-dominated.

How well I remember Sidney Blumenthal waking me up all those years ago to read me the speech by Sen. Biden, which, by borrowing the biography as well as the words of another candidate's campaign, put an end to Biden's own. The same glee didn't work this time when he (it must have been he) came up with "Change You Can Xerox" as a riposte to Sen. Obama's hand-me-down words from Gov. Deval Patrick. All that Obama had lifted from Patrick was the old-fashioned idea that "words matter," and all that one can say, reviewing the present empty landscape of slogan and cliché, is that one only wishes that this could once again be true.

Christopher Hitchens is a columnist for Vanity Fair and the author of God Is Not Great: How Religion Poisons Everything.
Andy Pettitte hasn't let his HGH admission become a distraction.
Cataffo/News

Andy Pettitte hasn't let his HGH admission become a distraction.

From NyDailyNews.com:
Andy Pettitte's first spring fling
conveys moment of truth

John Harper

TAMPA - Can it really be this easy for Andy Pettitte? Is it possible that everything will fall into place for him the way it did Sunday, as he took the mound for the first time since his winter of shame?

As the feds begin to move on Roger Clemens in pursuit of a perjury charge, logic says there are bound to be some more uncomfortable moments for Pettitte in the coming months, perhaps a time when he will have to look his friend in the eye and essentially accuse him of lying.

But to spend time around Pettitte in the two weeks since his famous arrival press conference is to be convinced he can handle anything that comes his way and give the Yankees the 16-18 wins they expect for their $16 million this season.

It's not so much that the lefthander breezed through two innings against the Phillies Sunday while throwing only 21 pitches, facing but six batters thanks to a double-play ground ball and a pickoff - though it was certainly an impressive first outing.

It's more the way Pettitte has conducted himself here, taking responsibility for his use of human growth hormone without a hint of the type of bitterness or arrogance we see from so many professional athletes who are forced to cop to something only because they've been caught.

Indeed, Pettitte has been as approachable as ever, choosing not to hide behind the tactic of saying he'd said everything he had to say at his press conference. Basically he acts like a man with a clear conscience, which is both tough to fake and reason to believe he can pitch to his usual high expectations.

Pettitte himself insists there is no reason to believe otherwise.

"I can't do anything more than I've done," he said when asked about further HGH ramifications. "I've apologized and now I've got a job to do. I can't waste any more energy on that whole deal.

"I'm just looking forward to pitching, and I don't see (potential distractions) being a problem, I really don't. That'll be everybody else's opinion, but I can tell you that in no way if I have struggles or whatever, that's going to be an excuse for me. Because that's no excuse for me not to do my job."

When Pettitte says he has apologized, he's not talking just about his press conference. Since then he has sought out Yankee teammates, coaches, front-office people, broadcasters and reporters to look people in the eye and offer an individual apology.

I know because he pulled me aside one day to say he was sorry for the problems he had caused everybody, the black eye the entire steroids scandal has given baseball, and especially for lying even when he first admitted to using HGH, not coming clean about using it a second time.

He was emotional as he explained that he had lied to protect his father, whose years of heart-related illness had led him to use HGH and then provide it to his son. It's nothing he didn't say publicly, but to see his emotion up close as he spoke of his father was to understand his motivation.

All of this is relevant now only as a way of saying that Pettitte seems to have come to grips with his misdeeds, that he's comfortable with everything he has said and done in speaking the truth under oath and answering for it since then.

After he spoke Sunday following his outing on the mound, I asked him as he was leaving the clubhouse why he seemed so convinced the HGH fallout won't affect him.

Pettitte stopped and smiled.

"I've got too much to be happy about, man," he said. "I feel good about this team and everything, and I want to do everything I can to help us win. But there's more to life for me, too.

"I mean, I love this game, but it's not my life. My family is my life."

Maybe that's his safety net for dealing with so much public humiliation as well, but Pettitte isn't likely to be any less driven to excel on the mound. In fact, he said anything that comes up regarding HGH won't compare to pitching a gem in Game4 of the 1998 World Series when his father was hospitalized with serious heart problems.

"That was the toughest," Pettitte said yesterday.

Joe Girardi, a teammate then and manager now, said the memory of that game, in particular, is what convinces him Pettitte will be fine as he moves forward.

"I've seen it for myself," said Girardi. "Andy has the ability to focus when he walks out on that mound."

So maybe what matters most for the moment is that Pettitte says his notoriously cranky elbow hasn't bothered him since 2006 in Houston, that he is healthy and right on schedule to be ready when the season opens.

Maybe the Clemens mess somehow will change all of that. So far, however, Pettitte has made a strong case to the contrary.

jharper@nydailynews.com
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From Books and Culture: In this review Os Guinness reduces
Frank Schaeffer to a figurative bloody pulp.

Fathers and Sons
On Francis Schaeffer, Frank Schaeffer, and Crazy for God.
by Os Guinness

If asked what is the deepest relationship imaginable, many people would say it is between lovers, or between husbands and wives. The case can be made, however, that from a Christian perspective, no relationship is more mysterious and more wonderful, yet sometimes more troubling, than that of fathers and sons. The depth and wonder begin with all we know of the relationship of God the Father and God the Son, while the troubled aspects stem from the Fall. Consider Absalom's rebellion against King David in the Old Testament, Edmund Gosse's exposure of his father Philip, the Oedipal drive in the writings of Sigmund Freud—and now Frank Schaeffer's Crazy for God, a memoir that is his personal apologia at the expense of his famous father, Francis Schaeffer, who was the founder and leader of the worldwide network of L'Abri communities.

Frank Schaeffer unquestionably adored his father, just as his father passionately adored him. Having lived in their home for more than three years, I have countless memories of this, including the sight of the two of them wrestling on the floor of the living room of their chalet, and ending with a fierce hug. Yet no critic or enemy of Francis Schaeffer has done more damage to his life's work than his son Frank—a result that one might not be able to infer from many reviews of the memoir, including that which appeared in the previous issue of Books & Culture.

The problem is not so much that Frank exposes and trumpets his parents' flaws and frailties, or that he skewers them with his characteristic mockery. It is more than that. For all his softening, the portrait he paints amounts to a death-dealing charge of hypocrisy and insincerity at the very heart of their life and work. In Frank's own words, his parents were "crazy for God." Their call to the ministry "actually drove them crazy," so that "religion was actually the source of their tragedy." His dad was under "the crushing belief that God had 'called' him to save the world." Because of this, his parents were "happiest when farthest away from their missionary work." Back at their calling, they were "professional proselytizers," their teaching was "indoctrination," and it was unclear whether people came to faith or were "brainwashed" and "under the spell" of his parents. Frank's own arguments in their support, he now says, were a kind of "circus trick."
Frank's baleful influence on his father is a textbook example of how Christian ministries and organizations can be ruined through undermining their own principles—in this case, through nepotism and family politics.

Commenting on the time when Francis Schaeffer went through his watershed crisis of doubt in 1951, which he claimed was pivotal to his faith and work, Frank says it was never resolved with any integrity: "Somehow he convinced himself to still believe." His father's "stunted" theological convictions "he held on to more as emotional baggage … than for any intellectual reason." Really? "Left to himself, Dad never talked about theology or God … . God and the Bible were work." And he was different when away from L'Abri altogether: "Dad never said grace over meals. It was as if Dad and I had a secret agreement that away from L'Abri, we were secular people."

And so it goes. With such a son, who needs enemies? To be sure, Frank tries to nuance the conclusion: "I once thought Dad's ability to present two very different faces to the world—one to his family and one to the public—was gross hypocrisy. I think very differently now. I believe Dad was a very brave man," one who simply had to "carry on"—the victim, presumably, of his own unresolved but inadmissible inner tensions. Yet there is no way round it. Francis Schaeffer, in his son's portrait, lacked intellectual integrity. There was a lie at the very heart of the work of L'Abri, and the thousands of people who over the decades came to L'Abri and came to faith or deepened in faith, were obviously conned too.

I challenge this central charge of Frank's with everything in me. I and many of my closest friends, who knew the Schaeffers well, are certain beyond a shadow of doubt that they would challenge it too. Defenders of truth to others, Francis and Edith Schaeffer were people of truth themselves.

For six years I was as close to Frank as anyone outside his own family, and probably closer than many in his family. I was his best man at his wedding. Life has taken us in different directions over the past thirty years, but I counted him my dear friend and went through many of the escapades he recounts and many more that would not bear rehearsing in print. It pains me to say, then, that his portrait is cruel, distorted, and self-serving, but I cannot let it pass unchallenged without a strong insistence on a different way of seeing the story. There is all the difference in the world between flaws and hypocrisy. Francis and Edith Schaeffer were lions for truth. No one could be further from con artists, even unwitting con artists, than the Francis and Edith Schaeffer I knew, lived with, and loved.

Crazy for God unquestionably has its humorous passages. It also has some pages of lyrical beauty and poignancy in which Frank describes his wife Genie and his daughter Jessica. I have no problem with a picture of Francis Schaeffer "warts and all." I knew him well, and could have added one or two stories myself. He was always open about his flaws, just as he was compassionate toward those of others. I had my own disagreements with him. My wife and I actually left L'Abri in 1973 for principled reasons, grieved but certain that we, along with several others, needed to break with a community that we believed was missing its way—mainly because of the direction Frank was intent on taking it.

Yet despite all that, for those of us who were part of the story of L'Abri in the late '60s and early '70s, the better qualities and the legitimate revelations in the memoir are overwhelmed by a blindness and bitterness that cannot be excused. No one who witnessed the stature and diversity of the thousands who came to L'Abri's 50th-anniversary celebration in 2005 could doubt the depth of quiet, enduring gratitude that thousands owe to Francis and Edith Schaeffer. For many of us, they changed our lives forever and set us off on the strenuous and costly path we are still pursuing decades later with no reservations and no regret.

Are there other problems with the book? First, Frank's portrayal of his mother is cruel and deeply dishonoring, monstrously ungrateful since she poured herself out for him far more than his workaholic father. Edith Schaeffer was one of the most remarkable women of her generation, the like of whom we will not see again in our time. I have never met such a great heart of love, and such indomitable faith, tireless prayer, boundless energy, passionate love for life and beauty, lavish hospitality, irrepressible laughter, and seemingly limitless time for people—all in a single person. There is no question that she was a force of nature, and that her turbo-personality left many people, and particularly young women who tried to copy her, gasping in her slipstream. To many of us she was a second mother, and in many ways she was the secret of L'Abri.

Yet Frank describes his mother as a "high-powered nut," who was "best at the martyrdom game." He mocks her with vitriol in several of his books, and her incredible and justly celebrated passion for beauty and excellence he dismisses with a postmodern sneer as a mission that was "nothing less than repairing the image of fundamentalism." Several times I saw her reduced to tears in private after his barbs against her. But now in her nineties, with her failing memory, she neither fully knows nor is able to respond to all he has written about her. "If I read it," she said to me about one of Frank's earlier books, "it would probably break my heart."

Second, Frank's descriptions of other people and events are often equally irresponsible and wildly inaccurate. He rightly disavows the immaturity of his early books and films. He was as "addicted to mediocrity" as anyone he attacked. But for all his improved writing style, his manner of sneering dismissals is unchanged. Sometimes he is ludicrously negative, as in his remarks about Billy Graham and Carl Henry. Sometimes he is self-servingly positive, citing compliments from people—such as Malcolm Muggeridge—who were well known for their overall scathing dismissals of both Francis and Frank. Sometimes he is just plain cruel, as in his description of the woman assigned to be his home school tutor—and as in most cruelty, he is worst when mocking those unable to reply.

Third, Frank's broad dismissals of faith different from his own are often absurd, and his portrayal of recent Christian history is woefully ignorant. On the one hand, he routinely conflates evangelicalism with fundamentalism, or disdainfully dismisses evangelicalism as "fundamentalism-lite," the child of an older fundamentalism. The reverse, of course, is true. Fundamentalism is the recent movement, and evangelicalism pre-dates it by centuries. On the other hand, he inflates his own role in founding the Religious Right, even if out of self-flagellating disgust.

Frank says he was "the prime mover and shaker when it came to making sure that Dad got truly famous within the evangelical subculture," and that he and his father were "amongst the first to start telling American evangelicals that God wanted them involved in the political process." Yet Francis Schaeffer's international recognition came far earlier than the Religious Right, and calling Schaeffer "the father of the religious right" overlooks the far more crucial early role of such players as Ed McAteer, Paul Weyrich, Richard Viguerie, and Jerry Falwell, who were the real fathers of the movement.

Apart from these flaws, and above all the central one mentioned first, Frank Schaeffer's memoir raises other grave issues for me. For a start, I am dismayed by the responses to the book. It has understandably given perverse comfort to those who already dislike the Christian faith, or evangelicalism, or conservatism. More troubling is how many evangelical reviewers and readers have betrayed symptoms of the postmodern disease in their response. The book's revelations are taken as gospel and the book is judged in terms of its style rather than its substance. Our postmodern age is a free schooling in cynicism, so nothing is ever what it appears to be and there are no heroes once you see what really makes people tick. But no one should take Frank's allegations at face value.

At a deeper level, Frank's baleful influence on his father is a textbook example of how Christian ministries and organizations can be ruined through undermining their own principles—in this case, through nepotism and family politics. We have a rash of nepotism currently afflicting evangelicalism across the board, so this point carries wider lessons. In the early 1970s, when I was considering my long-term future at the Swiss L'Abri, I remember asking John Stott and James Houston what sort of questions I should be asking. Among other things, they both made the same point: "Watch and see whether the Schaeffers truly give authority to those who are not family members, or whether the family members are always more equal than others."

Frank unwittingly confirms their wisdom by openly admitting that his role was the result of "nepotism," and by acknowledging that "it was our family, not the other L'Abri workers and members, who were really calling the shots." Yet the worst example of nepotism and family politics was his own disastrous persuading of his father to enter the political fray. After the Lausanne Congress in 1974, I remember well how Francis was blackly depressed, believing he had no more to say. It was Frank, alarmed at what he saw, who then abandoned his own aspirations as an artist and became his father's "sidekick" in order to re-charge his father with visions of political activism.

In the process Frank overrode the established principles of how decisions were made at L'Abri. As he acknowledges, he "goaded" Schaeffer toward the strident and increasingly gloomy last period of his life, and he himself became a brash and intemperate hothead, notorious for his slashing attacks on evangelical scholars who disagreed with him. The net effect of Frank's efforts was to sow the seeds of his own self-loathing, and also to return his father to fundamentalism and to undermine his reputation in the long term. That was the first time in my experience at L'Abri when a major decision was made without unanimity among the leaders, and it was clear that the family trumped everyone else and Frank trumped everyone else in the family. It was the breaking point for me and many others.

The deepest issue of all lies in how all this happened, and here Frank gives us the clue but never follows the trail with the honesty he should have. Throughout the memoir he says he was neglected by his parents, which may have been true—though he was always central in the daily thoughts and prayers of his mother, and at the time he welcomed the neglect as freedom. Frank also hints at his ability to manipulate his parents because of their guilt over the neglect: "No one has more power over a loving father (especially if that father feels a bit guilty for neglecting his children) than a beloved son."

But neglect and guilt are not the deepest explanation. The real truth is that Franky, as he then called himself, was spoiled. He was more like a poster child for Benjamin Spock than the son of "fundamentalist missionaries." Having been born well after his sisters, and having survived polio as a child, he was rarely challenged, disciplined, or denied. As a result, he grew up a "little Napoleon," as some of the L'Abri students called him. He would boast that he could twist his parents around his little finger, and time and again he proved it.

Running away from boarding school at fifteen, Frank was bright and gifted, with talents that showed as clearly in his art then as in his writing now. But he bucked at all formal education and serious tutoring, and his claim that he then received a "'great books' British university-level literature course" comes as quite a surprise to his tutor. Francis actually praised Frank's dropping out of school to a friend of mine, arguing that "Christians should be like Bolsheviks." Later, pushed far out of his depth by the momentum of his and his father's activism, Frank found himself propelled into becoming the arrogant, pompous, and hollow young fraud that, to his credit, he came to loathe and then repudiate. Frank himself is where the con artistry came into the story.

In sum, the combination of neglect, guilt, nepotism, and spoiling was a toxic brew. Some sons of famous Christian fathers are pushed by their fathers into following in their footsteps, and they respond with a slow-burning resentment that comes to cast a shadow on their fathers' reputations. In Frank's case, he chose to steer his father's steps for his father's sake, so he is responsible rather than resentful. But he is responsible for what he now acknowledges was a horrible outcome, so he turns on his entire upbringing to excuse his role.

Does all this matter outside the Schaeffer family and the wider L'Abri community, which in its many branches continues the Schaeffer's work quietly and effectively? Would it not be better to let sleeping dogs lie, and judge Frank's memoir by its readability? There are powerful lessons here for any organization and ministry in which the founder's family plays a part. But what matters in the end is that Francis and Edith Schaeffer's place in 20th-century evangelicalism—and their contribution to the lives of so many—is too important to surrender to such a scurrilous caricature.

Speaking for myself, my heritage is not fundamentalism and my intellectual mentor is the eminent sociologist Peter Berger. But there is much that I owe directly to Francis Schaeffer, such as my understanding of apologetics. One thing above all I will never deny, and for that I am eternally grateful, however great his flaws and however wrong he was on certain details of philosophy and history: I have never met anyone anywhere like Francis Schaeffer, who took God so passionately seriously, people so passionately seriously, and truth so passionately seriously. The combination was dynamite, and it is that vision and style of faith, rather than the content of his thinking, which is the debt I owe to him. With Nietzsche, Schaeffer could well have said, "All truth is bloody truth to me." The idea that such a man was "crazy for God," let alone a two-faced con man, is and will always be utterly anathema to me. I was there. I saw otherwise, and I and many of my friends have been marked for life.

One of Frank's more curious accusations is that evangelicals have no sense of the journey of faith. Perhaps he has forgotten John Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, which has far outsold any other account of the journey of life and faith. And that is where I find hope at the end of Frank's memoir. He is plainly still on the road. The book is dedicated to his daughter Jessica, and he hints of his guilt over the way he treated her when she was small. He may yet examine himself more deeply, and he may yet find himself at home with his faith. I pray he will one day.

Forty years ago, Frank and his father used to mock the weak ending of John Osborne's play Luther, in which the ringing certainty of "Here I stand" was replaced by the hesitancy of "I hope so." Yet "I hope so" and "If there is a God" are the very words Frank uses to describe his own Orthodox faith now. With his prodigious but wayward talents, my old friend still has the air of the restless prodigal.

But we all have journeying still to be done—in Frank's case, a long and winding journey home indeed, but with both a waiting Father and a waiting father and mother at its end.

Os Guinness is the author most recently of The Case for Civility: And Why Our Future Depends on It, just published by HarperOne.

Copyright © 2008 by the author or Christianity Today International/Books & Culture magazine.
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Constable, Salisbury Cathedral from the Meadows (1831)
From City Journal:
Why the West Is Best
Ibn Warraq
My response to Tariq Ramadan
Winter 2008

Last October, I participated in a debate in London, hosted by Intelligence Squared, to consider the motion, “We should not be reluctant to assert the superiority of Western values.” Muslim intellectual Tariq Ramadan, among others, spoke against the motion; I spoke in favor, focusing on the vast disparities in freedom, human rights, and tolerance between Western and Islamic societies. Here, condensed somewhat, is the case that I made.

The great ideas of the West—rationalism, self-criticism, the disinterested search for truth, the separation of church and state, the rule of law and equality under the law, freedom of thought and expression, human rights, and liberal democracy—are superior to any others devised by humankind. It was the West that took steps to abolish slavery; the calls for abolition did not resonate even in Africa, where rival tribes sold black prisoners into slavery. The West has secured freedoms for women and racial and other minorities to an extent unimaginable 60 years ago. The West recognizes and defends the rights of the individual: we are free to think what we want, to read what we want, to practice our religion, to live lives of our choosing.

In short, the glory of the West, as philosopher Roger Scruton puts it, is that life here is an open book. Under Islam, the book is closed. In many non-Western countries, especially Islamic ones, citizens are not free to read what they wish. In Saudi Arabia, Muslims are not free to convert to Christianity, and Christians are not free to practice their faith—clear violations of Article 18 of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights. In contrast with the mind-numbing enforced certainties and rules of Islam, Western civilization offers what Bertrand Russell once called “liberating doubt,” which encourages the methodological principle of scientific skepticism. Western politics, like science, proceeds through tentative steps of trial and error, open discussion, criticism, and self-correction.

One could characterize the difference between the West and the Rest as a difference in epistemological principles. The desire for knowledge, no matter where it leads, inherited from the Greeks, has led to an institution unequaled—or very rarely equaled—outside the West: the university. Along with research institutes and libraries, universities are, at least ideally, independent academies that enshrine these epistemological norms, where we can pursue truth in a spirit of disinterested inquiry, free from political pressures. In other words, behind the success of modern Western societies, with their science and technology and open institutions, lies a distinct way of looking at the world, interpreting it, and recognizing and rectifying problems.

The edifice of modern science and scientific method is one of Western man’s greatest gifts to the world. The West has given us not only nearly every scientific discovery of the last 500 years—from electricity to computers—but also, thanks to its humanitarian impulses, the Red Cross, Doctors Without Borders, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International. The West provides the bulk of aid to beleaguered Darfur; Islamic countries are conspicuous by their lack of assistance.

Moreover, other parts of the world recognize Western superiority. When other societies such as South Korea and Japan have adopted Western political principles, their citizens have flourished. It is to the West, not to Saudi Arabia or Iran, that millions of refugees from theocratic or other totalitarian regimes flee, seeking tolerance and political freedom. Nor would any Western politician be able to get away with the anti-Semitic remarks that former Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohamad made in 2003. Our excusing Mahathir’s diatribe indicates not only a double standard but also a tacit acknowledgment that we apply higher ethical standards to Western leaders.

A culture that gave the world the novel; the music of Mozart, Beethoven, and Schubert; and the paintings of Michelangelo, da Vinci, and Rembrandt does not need lessons from societies whose idea of heaven, peopled with female virgins, resembles a cosmic brothel. Nor does the West need lectures on the superior virtue of societies in which women are kept in subjection under sharia, endure genital mutilation, are stoned to death for alleged adultery, and are married off against their will at the age of nine; societies that deny the rights of supposedly lower castes; societies that execute homosexuals and apostates. The West has no use for sanctimonious homilies from societies that cannot provide clean drinking water or sewage systems, that make no provisions for the handicapped, and that leave 40 to 50 percent of their citizens illiterate.

As Ayatollah Khomeini once famously said, there are no jokes in Islam. The West is able to look at its foibles and laugh, to make fun of its fundamental principles: but there is no equivalent as yet to Monty Python’s Life of Brian in Islam. Can we look forward, someday, to a Life of Mo? Probably not—one more small sign that Western values remain the best, and perhaps the only, means for all people, no matter of what race or creed, to reach their full potential and live in freedom.

Since 1998, Ibn Warraq has edited several books of Koranic criticism and on the origins of Islam, including Leaving Islam: Apostates Speak Out, Defending the West: A Critique of Edward Said’s Orientalism, and Which Koran? (forthcoming).